The Guild Review is a blog of art, culture, faith and politics. We seek understanding, not conformity.
Monday, June 2, 2014
The City on a Waterfall
The concept of a city built on a waterfall was first brought to my attention by James Gurney's Waterfall City (pictured above) in Dinotopia, published in 1992. But while the aesthetic appeal of such a city is quite obvious to me - in spite of its equally obvious impracticality - I realized one day that this is by no means the only fictional city built on a waterfall. Did a number of minds simultaneously come up with this same idea? Or does it have a single point of origin?
As one blogger points out, Waterfall City bears a certain resemblance to the city of Theed on the planet of Naboo (seen below) in Star Wars: Episode I, which was released in 1999.
In 1999 the British band Ozric Tentacles released an album titled Waterfall Cities; clearly the idea was moving into wide circulation. But where did it begin?
A quick search of the internet is daunting. The concept has become so popular in fantasy literature and art that one has trouble isolating a few key instances of it among reams of fan art (seen above and below).
Did James Gurney really conceive this idea, the otherworldly idea of balancing that height of human civilization, a city, on that most terrible of natural objects, a waterfall? It seems unlikely to me that it took so long for someone to dream up such a place. And yet, it seems he did...
If you know anything about the origin of waterfall cities, please, share!
None of today's images are used with permission or anything so fancy. But if you do a quick image search for "waterfall city" you should turn them all up.
Friday, May 2, 2014
The Athanasian Creed
Today we celebrate the Feast of St. Athanasius (c. 297-373). While most Christians know the Nicene Creed and the Apostles Creed, less well known is the third of the orthodox creeds, attributed to St. Athanasius. Whether he actually wrote it is a matter of some debate, but it certainly coheres with the theology he articulated (as well as the long sentences of his Greek!). Whereas the other creeds focus more on the life of Christ, this one focuses primarily on the two great mysteries of the Christian faith, the Trinity and the Incarnation.
Whosoever will be saved, before all things it is necessary that he hold the Catholic faith,
which faith except every one do keep whole and undefiled,
without doubt he shall perish everlastingly.
And the Catholic faith is this: That we worship one God in Trinity, and Trinity in Unity,
neither confounding the persons nor dividing the substance.
For there is one person of the Father, another of the Son, and another of the Holy Spirit.
But the Godhead of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit is all one,
the glory equal, the majesty coeternal.
Such as the Father is, such is the Son, and such is the Holy Spirit.
The Father uncreated, the Son uncreated, and the Holy Spirit uncreated.
The Father incomprehensible,
the Son incomprehensible,
and the Holy Spirit incomprehensible.
The Father eternal, the Son eternal, and the Holy Spirit eternal,
and yet they are not three eternals but one eternal.
As also there are not three uncreated nor three incomprehensible,
but one uncreated and one incomprehensible,
so likewise the Father is almighty, the Son almighty, and the Holy Spirit almighty.
And yet they are not three almighties, but one almighty.
So the Father is God, the Son is God, and the Holy Spirit is God;
and yet they are not three Gods, but one God.
So likewise the Father is Lord, the Son Lord, and the Holy Spirit Lord;
and yet they are not three Lords but one Lord.
For like as we are compelled by the Christian truth
to acknowledge every Person by himself to be God and Lord;
so are we forbidden by the Catholic religion to say: There are three Gods or three Lords.
The Father is made of none, neither created nor begotten.
The Son is of the Father alone; not made nor created, but begotten.
The Holy Spirit is of the Father and of the Son;
neither made, nor created, nor begotten, but proceeding.
So there is one Father, not three Fathers;
one Son, not three Sons;
one Holy Spirit, not three Holy Spirits.
And in this Trinity none is before or after another; none is greater or less than another,
but the whole three persons are coeternal and coequal,
so that in all things, as aforesaid,
the Unity in Trinity and the Trinity in Unity is to be worshipped.
He therefore that will be saved must thus think of the Trinity.
Furthermore it is necessary to everlasting salvation
that he also believe rightly the incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ.
For the right faith is that we believe and confess
that our Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, is God and man.
God of the substance of the Father, begotten before the worlds;
and man of substance of His mother, born in the world,
perfect God and perfect man, of a reasonable soul and human flesh subsisting,
equal to the Father as touching His Godhead,
and inferior to the Father as touching His manhood,
who, although He is God and man, yet He is not two, but one Christ;
one, not by conversion of the Godhead into flesh, but by taking of that manhood into God;
one altogether, not by confusion of substance, but by unity of person.
For as the reasonable soul and flesh is one man, so God and man is one Christ,
who suffered for our salvation, descended into hell, rose again the third day from the dead.
He ascended into heaven, He sits on the right hand of the Father, God, Almighty;
from thence He shall come to judge the quick and the dead,
at whose coming all men shall rise again with their bodies
and shall give account of their own works.
And they that have done good shall go into life everlasting
and they that have done evil into everlasting fire.
This is the Catholic faith, which except a man believe faithfully he cannot be saved.
Whosoever will be saved, before all things it is necessary that he hold the Catholic faith,
which faith except every one do keep whole and undefiled,
without doubt he shall perish everlastingly.
And the Catholic faith is this: That we worship one God in Trinity, and Trinity in Unity,
neither confounding the persons nor dividing the substance.
For there is one person of the Father, another of the Son, and another of the Holy Spirit.
But the Godhead of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit is all one,
the glory equal, the majesty coeternal.
Such as the Father is, such is the Son, and such is the Holy Spirit.
The Father uncreated, the Son uncreated, and the Holy Spirit uncreated.
The Father incomprehensible,
the Son incomprehensible,
and the Holy Spirit incomprehensible.
The Father eternal, the Son eternal, and the Holy Spirit eternal,
and yet they are not three eternals but one eternal.
As also there are not three uncreated nor three incomprehensible,
but one uncreated and one incomprehensible,
so likewise the Father is almighty, the Son almighty, and the Holy Spirit almighty.
And yet they are not three almighties, but one almighty.
So the Father is God, the Son is God, and the Holy Spirit is God;
and yet they are not three Gods, but one God.
So likewise the Father is Lord, the Son Lord, and the Holy Spirit Lord;
and yet they are not three Lords but one Lord.
For like as we are compelled by the Christian truth
to acknowledge every Person by himself to be God and Lord;
so are we forbidden by the Catholic religion to say: There are three Gods or three Lords.
The Father is made of none, neither created nor begotten.
The Son is of the Father alone; not made nor created, but begotten.
The Holy Spirit is of the Father and of the Son;
neither made, nor created, nor begotten, but proceeding.
So there is one Father, not three Fathers;
one Son, not three Sons;
one Holy Spirit, not three Holy Spirits.
And in this Trinity none is before or after another; none is greater or less than another,
but the whole three persons are coeternal and coequal,
so that in all things, as aforesaid,
the Unity in Trinity and the Trinity in Unity is to be worshipped.
He therefore that will be saved must thus think of the Trinity.
Furthermore it is necessary to everlasting salvation
that he also believe rightly the incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ.
For the right faith is that we believe and confess
that our Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, is God and man.
God of the substance of the Father, begotten before the worlds;
and man of substance of His mother, born in the world,
perfect God and perfect man, of a reasonable soul and human flesh subsisting,
equal to the Father as touching His Godhead,
and inferior to the Father as touching His manhood,
who, although He is God and man, yet He is not two, but one Christ;
one, not by conversion of the Godhead into flesh, but by taking of that manhood into God;
one altogether, not by confusion of substance, but by unity of person.
For as the reasonable soul and flesh is one man, so God and man is one Christ,
who suffered for our salvation, descended into hell, rose again the third day from the dead.
He ascended into heaven, He sits on the right hand of the Father, God, Almighty;
from thence He shall come to judge the quick and the dead,
at whose coming all men shall rise again with their bodies
and shall give account of their own works.
And they that have done good shall go into life everlasting
and they that have done evil into everlasting fire.
This is the Catholic faith, which except a man believe faithfully he cannot be saved.
Friday, April 11, 2014
Voices of Southern Dissent
I currently reside in Virginia. I have a son who was born here. But I struggle with the state's Southern identity, an identity which, for many, is bound up in the American Civil War and the experience of secession. I don't mean to suggest that all Virginians are racist or that Southern pride is nothing more than support for slavery. But, because the Confederate rebellion was a part of Virginia's history, many Virginians feel the need to support it or at least remain silent on the matter. As someone opposed to the rebellion of the Southern states and their practice of slavery, I find this position problematic.
But I think it is worth mentioning that the South was not monolithicly pro-secession in the 19th century and thus need not make a pro-secessionist bent part of its identity today.
Consider, for example, the Loudoun Rangers, a cavalry unit raised in 1862 in northern Virginia, a unit which fought on behalf of the Union and tangled with Mosby's partisans.
Or let us consider Texas, a state which was my adoptive home for eight years. Sam Houston, one of the founding fathers of the Republic of Texas, was elected governor in 1859. Houston was no liberal humanitarian: although he enjoyed warm relations with the Cherokee Indians, he owned slaves and opposed abolitionist efforts to free them. However, he saw secession as ill-advised and treasonous. When a Texas convention voted for secession and subsequent accession to the Confederacy, Houston refused to recognize the moves, calling them illegal. Houston was eventually removed from office for refusing to take the Confederate oath. He explained:
I am looking forward to reading David Downing's A South Divided: Portraits of Dissent in the Confederacy. This is a Southern legacy I may be able to embrace and teach to my children.
Quotations are from James l. Haley, Sam Houston, University of Oklahoma Press (2004), by way of the estimable Wikipedia, which also supplied the image.
But I think it is worth mentioning that the South was not monolithicly pro-secession in the 19th century and thus need not make a pro-secessionist bent part of its identity today.
Consider, for example, the Loudoun Rangers, a cavalry unit raised in 1862 in northern Virginia, a unit which fought on behalf of the Union and tangled with Mosby's partisans.
Or let us consider Texas, a state which was my adoptive home for eight years. Sam Houston, one of the founding fathers of the Republic of Texas, was elected governor in 1859. Houston was no liberal humanitarian: although he enjoyed warm relations with the Cherokee Indians, he owned slaves and opposed abolitionist efforts to free them. However, he saw secession as ill-advised and treasonous. When a Texas convention voted for secession and subsequent accession to the Confederacy, Houston refused to recognize the moves, calling them illegal. Houston was eventually removed from office for refusing to take the Confederate oath. He explained:
Fellow-Citizens, in the name of your rights and liberties, which I believe have been trampled upon, I refuse to take this oath. In the name of the nationality of Texas, which has been betrayed by the Convention, I refuse to take this oath. In the name of the Constitution of Texas, I refuse to take this oath. In the name of my own conscience and manhood, which this Convention would degrade by dragging me before it, to pander to the malice of my enemies, I refuse to take this oath. I deny the power of this Convention to speak for Texas....I protest....against all the acts and doings of this convention and I declare them null and void.This is the kind of political idealism - whatever the costs - that Southerners love. It is also deeply Unionist. Regarding the war to come, Houston proved himself more clear-sighted than his opponents:
Let me tell you what is coming. After the sacrifice of countless millions of treasure and hundreds of thousands of lives, you may win Southern independence if God be not against you, but I doubt it. I tell you that, while I believe with you in the doctrine of states rights, the North is determined to preserve this Union. They are not a fiery, impulsive people as you are, for they live in colder climates. But when they begin to move in a given direction, they move with the steady momentum and perseverance of a mighty avalanche; and what I fear is, they will overwhelm the South.Houston and the men of the Loudoun Rangers were rare, but not unique. North Texas was full of German and Czech settlers - some of them refugees from the revolutions of 1848 in Europe - who supported the Union. West Virginia was so off-put by the war of secession it seceded from rebel Virginia. In addition to the many African-American units raised from among the freed slaves of the South, white Unionist forces were also raised. The 1st Alabama Cavalry was formed in 1862 by men who opposed secession - most from Alabama, but some from elsewhere, including Georgia. The regiment fought in various campaigns and was present for the surrender of the rebel Army of Tennessee in 1865. Arkansas raised eight white regiments and six colored regiments for the Union. Similar units were raised in Louisiana and North Carolina. Tennessee formed upwards of 30 regiments in the service of the Union.
I am looking forward to reading David Downing's A South Divided: Portraits of Dissent in the Confederacy. This is a Southern legacy I may be able to embrace and teach to my children.
Quotations are from James l. Haley, Sam Houston, University of Oklahoma Press (2004), by way of the estimable Wikipedia, which also supplied the image.
Friday, March 28, 2014
Toward a Theory of American Heraldry
Readers of this blog will know that I am a strong proponent of heraldry, having proposed heraldic arms for the City of Charlottesville (see left) and Albemarle County, to complement or replace the current seals of questionable aesthetic merit. But does heraldry have a place in America at all? Are not heraldic arms associated with monarchy and therefore fundamentally at odds with the American republic?
First, the legal question: Can an American assume arms? In many countries, such as Britain, arms are legally protected. They may only be used by a grant deriving its authority from the sovereign. In other countries, such as South Africa, the governing authority registers arms, but, provided they conform to certain standards, cannot reject an application because it does not grant the arms; everyone in South Africa has a legal right to bear them. In the United States, no heraldic authority of either flavor exists (the claims of various online organizations notwithstanding). Thus, the only legal limits on arms are those on any logo: you cannot use for commercial purposes a design that someone else has registered. You can use your own design without registering it, provided you are not concerned about someone else stealing your design and have no intention of taking legal action against them for doing so.
Second, the historical angle: Do American have a tradition of using arms? Here the answer is clear: yes. While American heraldry is less standardized than that of Britain or other countries with heraldic authorities, it is widely used. George Washington's arms are fairly well known (see left), having been adopted for a variety of uses such as the flag of the District of Columbia and the Purple Heart medal. Thomas Jefferson, one of the more anti-traditional of America's Founding Fathers also bore arms. John and John Quincy Adams utilized heraldic arms, as did most of the signers of the Declaration of Independence. But, you ask, is there still a vibrant tradition of heraldry, or was it only a brief carry-over from the colonial period? One could likely write a dissertation on such a question, though it seems to me the US military provides a strong answer in the affirmative. Heraldry may not be used in every aspect of everyday life, but for certain purposes we certainly retain it. (I highly encourage the perusing of the US Institute of Heraldry's website if you have any interest in military heraldry.)
Third, the ideological angle. Just because Americans have used heraldry does that mean they should? Is is truly consonant with America's republican constitution? Here I think we have to step back from Britain and its heraldic world, much though I love it. When one does so, one discovers that in much of Europe heraldry had little to do with the sovereign. In Germany, Switzerland, and the Netherlands, burgher arms were assumed by various members of what we would call the middle class: merchants, artisans, clergy, and the like. Similar practices can be found in Scandinavia, were farmer have also traditionally borne arms. Thus, heraldry has no fundamental connection to a monarchy and why should it? Heraldry is simply a method of visual representation of individuals or organizations. That non-noble heraldry has a long tradition in the German-speaking world is no minor point for the United States; German-Americans constitute the largest single ancestry group in the country and the Declaration was translated into German even before it was passed.
Thus, there is no reason that any American, so inclined, should not assume arms.
But what are the proper sources for such arms? In one sense, the same answers given elsewhere apply in the US: symbols associated with one's place of origin or residence, profession or interests, or visual puns (canting). I might add that one should draw on such associations as one deems appropriate. If you care deeply about genealogy, use the traditional heraldic colors of your country of origin. But if you couldn't care less about your umpteen greats grandfather, find something else to depict.
But there is a more tricky matter: how does one indicate familial connections? British heraldry, and most other systems, has methods for handing down arms from parents to children (usually fathers to sons). But in America, status is - in republican principle, at least - held by virtue of one's innate human nature and one's role as a citizen, not by birth. So should, for example, a son use his father's arms, differenced with the appropriate mark of cadency? Certainly, if one wanted to strongly stress a familial connection, one could do so, though I would certainly not want to require it. Moreover, I think it runs contrary to our republican spirit - not to mention basic creativity - to forgo modifying inherited arms. Nevertheless, experience shows that we all owe a great deal to our parents, for both good and ill, so if they bear arms, one would do well to incorporate elements from those arms into one's own.
A related matter concerns marshalling, that is, the combining of arms. Typically a married couple will place their arms side by side (no objections here) and their eldest son will quarter his parents' arms. I have two objections with quartering. First, it tends to become very cluttered very quickly, rarely working beyond a single generation, and often not even then. Aesthetically it is often a failure. (See, for example, the unnecessarily cluttered arms of Mary and Philip, above left, or William and Mary, right.) And what is the point of heraldry if it is not clearly identifiable? Second, quartering again presumes the inheritance of arms. I think it far more interesting and American for each individual to design his or her own.
Some final considerations: While Americans are not bound by the laws of other countries, they would do well to respect them. Thus, I would strongly discourage any American from copying outright arms which are registered not only here, but also abroad. This is bad taste and runs contrary to the fundamental heraldic notion of unique identification. Moreover, I would encourage Americans to avoid those symbols which are typically reserved elsewhere (e.g. the use of royal crowns) and use cautiously those elements of heraldry - such as supporters and standards - which are sometimes associated with special privileges. Perhaps the most common error in this regard concerns the heraldry of Scottish clans. Americans often assume that, having a certain surname, they belong to the corresponding clan and therefore have a right to use its arms. Not so. Under Scottish law, arms belong to the chief of a clan; members of the clan, that is, the chief's supporters, use a crest badge. So don't go plagiarizing any Scottish chiefs. It's rude.
While I cannot make promises on the timing, several more posts regarding heraldry are in the pipes, and I hope to expound on these ideas further in the context of some examples.
First, the legal question: Can an American assume arms? In many countries, such as Britain, arms are legally protected. They may only be used by a grant deriving its authority from the sovereign. In other countries, such as South Africa, the governing authority registers arms, but, provided they conform to certain standards, cannot reject an application because it does not grant the arms; everyone in South Africa has a legal right to bear them. In the United States, no heraldic authority of either flavor exists (the claims of various online organizations notwithstanding). Thus, the only legal limits on arms are those on any logo: you cannot use for commercial purposes a design that someone else has registered. You can use your own design without registering it, provided you are not concerned about someone else stealing your design and have no intention of taking legal action against them for doing so.
Second, the historical angle: Do American have a tradition of using arms? Here the answer is clear: yes. While American heraldry is less standardized than that of Britain or other countries with heraldic authorities, it is widely used. George Washington's arms are fairly well known (see left), having been adopted for a variety of uses such as the flag of the District of Columbia and the Purple Heart medal. Thomas Jefferson, one of the more anti-traditional of America's Founding Fathers also bore arms. John and John Quincy Adams utilized heraldic arms, as did most of the signers of the Declaration of Independence. But, you ask, is there still a vibrant tradition of heraldry, or was it only a brief carry-over from the colonial period? One could likely write a dissertation on such a question, though it seems to me the US military provides a strong answer in the affirmative. Heraldry may not be used in every aspect of everyday life, but for certain purposes we certainly retain it. (I highly encourage the perusing of the US Institute of Heraldry's website if you have any interest in military heraldry.)
Third, the ideological angle. Just because Americans have used heraldry does that mean they should? Is is truly consonant with America's republican constitution? Here I think we have to step back from Britain and its heraldic world, much though I love it. When one does so, one discovers that in much of Europe heraldry had little to do with the sovereign. In Germany, Switzerland, and the Netherlands, burgher arms were assumed by various members of what we would call the middle class: merchants, artisans, clergy, and the like. Similar practices can be found in Scandinavia, were farmer have also traditionally borne arms. Thus, heraldry has no fundamental connection to a monarchy and why should it? Heraldry is simply a method of visual representation of individuals or organizations. That non-noble heraldry has a long tradition in the German-speaking world is no minor point for the United States; German-Americans constitute the largest single ancestry group in the country and the Declaration was translated into German even before it was passed.
Thus, there is no reason that any American, so inclined, should not assume arms.
But what are the proper sources for such arms? In one sense, the same answers given elsewhere apply in the US: symbols associated with one's place of origin or residence, profession or interests, or visual puns (canting). I might add that one should draw on such associations as one deems appropriate. If you care deeply about genealogy, use the traditional heraldic colors of your country of origin. But if you couldn't care less about your umpteen greats grandfather, find something else to depict.
But there is a more tricky matter: how does one indicate familial connections? British heraldry, and most other systems, has methods for handing down arms from parents to children (usually fathers to sons). But in America, status is - in republican principle, at least - held by virtue of one's innate human nature and one's role as a citizen, not by birth. So should, for example, a son use his father's arms, differenced with the appropriate mark of cadency? Certainly, if one wanted to strongly stress a familial connection, one could do so, though I would certainly not want to require it. Moreover, I think it runs contrary to our republican spirit - not to mention basic creativity - to forgo modifying inherited arms. Nevertheless, experience shows that we all owe a great deal to our parents, for both good and ill, so if they bear arms, one would do well to incorporate elements from those arms into one's own.
A related matter concerns marshalling, that is, the combining of arms. Typically a married couple will place their arms side by side (no objections here) and their eldest son will quarter his parents' arms. I have two objections with quartering. First, it tends to become very cluttered very quickly, rarely working beyond a single generation, and often not even then. Aesthetically it is often a failure. (See, for example, the unnecessarily cluttered arms of Mary and Philip, above left, or William and Mary, right.) And what is the point of heraldry if it is not clearly identifiable? Second, quartering again presumes the inheritance of arms. I think it far more interesting and American for each individual to design his or her own.Some final considerations: While Americans are not bound by the laws of other countries, they would do well to respect them. Thus, I would strongly discourage any American from copying outright arms which are registered not only here, but also abroad. This is bad taste and runs contrary to the fundamental heraldic notion of unique identification. Moreover, I would encourage Americans to avoid those symbols which are typically reserved elsewhere (e.g. the use of royal crowns) and use cautiously those elements of heraldry - such as supporters and standards - which are sometimes associated with special privileges. Perhaps the most common error in this regard concerns the heraldry of Scottish clans. Americans often assume that, having a certain surname, they belong to the corresponding clan and therefore have a right to use its arms. Not so. Under Scottish law, arms belong to the chief of a clan; members of the clan, that is, the chief's supporters, use a crest badge. So don't go plagiarizing any Scottish chiefs. It's rude.
While I cannot make promises on the timing, several more posts regarding heraldry are in the pipes, and I hope to expound on these ideas further in the context of some examples.
Monday, March 17, 2014
St. Patrick's Day
This year in honor of St. Patrick's Day, a few polkas.
Most people would be surprised to learn that the Irish dance polkas, but it's true. In the middle of the 19th century, a polka craze swept through Europe, starting in central Europe and going all over the world--for instance, German settlers brought the style to Texas, where Mexicans adapted it until it became Norteno/Tejano music. Polkas were brought to Ireland at the same time, but until recently the polka craze was generally confined to two small regions within Ireland. The first region was Sliabh Luachra, the hill country along the River Blackwater on the border of Cork and Kerry. In Sliabh Luachra, the style of polka played there is very fast and very syncopated and obviously meant for crossroads dancing. There the fiddle and button accordion were the primary instruments for dance music and still are today. The first clip features two well-known Sliabh Luachra musicians playing a set of polkas: Jackie Daly on accordion and Seamus Creagh on fiddle. Notice how on the first tune Jackie Daly plays an octave lower the second time through.
Here is a link to another set of polkas (the video could not be embedded), played by another fine fiddle-accordion duet from Sliabh Luachra: Matt Cranitch and Donal Murphy.
The other region where polkas were played was in the northwest around Sligo. There the style is slower and less syncopated and a bit more graceful. There the fiddle is also popular, but the flute is more common than the accordion. The following video features Matt Molloy, from Ballaghadereen on the Roscommon-Mayo border, playing flute and on fiddle John Carty, who was born in London but whose family hails from Sligo. The second tune they play is called "The Killavil Postman"; Killavil is the village in Sligo where the famous fiddler Michael Coleman was born. The set of polka begins at about 3:30, with "The Killavil Postman"
starting at about 4:38.
Most people would be surprised to learn that the Irish dance polkas, but it's true. In the middle of the 19th century, a polka craze swept through Europe, starting in central Europe and going all over the world--for instance, German settlers brought the style to Texas, where Mexicans adapted it until it became Norteno/Tejano music. Polkas were brought to Ireland at the same time, but until recently the polka craze was generally confined to two small regions within Ireland. The first region was Sliabh Luachra, the hill country along the River Blackwater on the border of Cork and Kerry. In Sliabh Luachra, the style of polka played there is very fast and very syncopated and obviously meant for crossroads dancing. There the fiddle and button accordion were the primary instruments for dance music and still are today. The first clip features two well-known Sliabh Luachra musicians playing a set of polkas: Jackie Daly on accordion and Seamus Creagh on fiddle. Notice how on the first tune Jackie Daly plays an octave lower the second time through.
Here is a link to another set of polkas (the video could not be embedded), played by another fine fiddle-accordion duet from Sliabh Luachra: Matt Cranitch and Donal Murphy.
The other region where polkas were played was in the northwest around Sligo. There the style is slower and less syncopated and a bit more graceful. There the fiddle is also popular, but the flute is more common than the accordion. The following video features Matt Molloy, from Ballaghadereen on the Roscommon-Mayo border, playing flute and on fiddle John Carty, who was born in London but whose family hails from Sligo. The second tune they play is called "The Killavil Postman"; Killavil is the village in Sligo where the famous fiddler Michael Coleman was born. The set of polka begins at about 3:30, with "The Killavil Postman"
starting at about 4:38.
Saturday, March 8, 2014
Elizabeth Kostova's The Historian
There is something terrifying about waking up and finding that one's watch or phone or glasses are not where one left them the night before. Who moved them? Was someone in the house? The sudden feeling of uncertainty and vulnerability can be quite powerful, at least until some simple explanation is discovered.
Elizabeth Kostova's first novel, The Historian (2005) is a story about Vlad Ţepeş, better known as Count Dracula. You could call it a vampire novel, and so it is, though scenes of gushing blood or visceral horror are few. Rather, the suspense comes from often small incongruities: something, or someone, is not where, or when, or how they should be. Kostova deftly manipulates such occurrences, building a novel which is strikingly well-paced, always pressing forward, but never hurtling along.
The story is told in four time periods: the present, from which a historian looks back on her own life and that of her father; the 1970s, in which the narrator is a teenage student living with her father, a kind of diplomat, in Europe; the 1950s, in which her father was a graduate student in history, spending some of his time conducting research abroad; and the 1930s, in which the narrator's father's academic adviser was a new historian. This may sound dreadfully confusing, and in less capable hands it would be. But Kostova manages to keep all these various periods, and the letters or stories by which we learn about them, surprisingly clear. The basic problem faced by our protagonists is simple: there is a supernatural evil on the loose, something vampiric, something related to the historical figure of Vlad Ţepeş. Beyond that they, initially, know virtually nothing. The clues must be pieced together.
Kostova's mother was a librarian and her father an academic. Clearly she has a historian's heart. Much of the novel is spent in archives, digging up shreds of evidence, then trying to make sense of what they mean. Kostova understands and - at least by this historian's judgement - manages to convey the small triumphs and defeats of sifting through convoluted scholarship, incomplete copies of old documents, and frustratingly elusive bibliographies. Her protagonists' efforts to find the truth and use it for the good of humanity, while never overwrought, may be seen as an ideal to which every historian, in some small measure, aspires.
I doubt Kostova was inspired by Dan Brown's The Da Vinci Code (2003) - though certainly literary agents hoped her debut novel would have similar success - but whether intended or not, I see The Historian as a kind of answer to Brown. It is everything he attempted to be: a historical/scholarly detective novel weaving together foreign cultures, ancient secrets, and a hint of spirituality. But Kostova's work may also be read as a rebuke of all that is wrong with The Da Vinci Code.
To read The Da Vinci Code is to feel like a crack addict, constantly turning pages because one cliff hanger follows upon another. It is tactically adept at setting up such suspense, but the strategic effect is less satisfying. There is no strong undercurrent to The Da Vinci Code, no constant tug beyond the immediate. If Brown's work could be described as a page-turner, Kostova's is a chapter-turner. That it sustains interest over 642 pages is a testament to the careful pacing.
I found Kostova's exposition likewise adept. In The Da Vinci Code, the history and significance of buildings or works of art are typically explained in dialogue that, at best, sounds like a lecture from art history class, at worst a badly written encyclopedia entry. These are made all the more gouache by the fact that any semi-educated person will have a passing knowledge of who people such as Leonardo Da Vinci are. Why Brown's characters stand in need of explanations is often unclear. In contrast, the historical background of The Historian is mostly the medieval Balkans, caught between Christendom and Islam. It is a region and period with which many Americans - even educated ones such as Kostova's characters - have little knowledge. Moreover, Kostova neatly integrates much of her exposition into excerpts of articles or other materials which are more plausible than wooden conversations.
Finally, Brown's work is riddled with historical errors; I recall googling particularly interesting names or locations as I read it, only to discover that Brown had manipulated key details. In contrast, Kostova nails the historical and geographic context in which her story takes place, while inventing all of the major characters - with the exception of Vlad Ţepeş - out of whole cloth, lest there be any confusion of fact and fiction.
Throughout the novel, Kostova displays restraint. The pacing is strong, but not rushed. The secrets are alluring, but not over the top. There is violence, but it is rare and often occurs "off stage," described in selective detail. Although there are romantic interests between several of Kostova's characters, their intimacies are neither superabundant nor described in lurid detail. Kostova does not rely on cheap tricks.
The Historian is not flawless. The climax and ending, for example, though good, lack the brilliance of other sections of the novel. Nevertheless, this is one of the finest works of fiction I have read in a long time and I strongly recommend it.
Elizabeth Kostova's first novel, The Historian (2005) is a story about Vlad Ţepeş, better known as Count Dracula. You could call it a vampire novel, and so it is, though scenes of gushing blood or visceral horror are few. Rather, the suspense comes from often small incongruities: something, or someone, is not where, or when, or how they should be. Kostova deftly manipulates such occurrences, building a novel which is strikingly well-paced, always pressing forward, but never hurtling along.
The story is told in four time periods: the present, from which a historian looks back on her own life and that of her father; the 1970s, in which the narrator is a teenage student living with her father, a kind of diplomat, in Europe; the 1950s, in which her father was a graduate student in history, spending some of his time conducting research abroad; and the 1930s, in which the narrator's father's academic adviser was a new historian. This may sound dreadfully confusing, and in less capable hands it would be. But Kostova manages to keep all these various periods, and the letters or stories by which we learn about them, surprisingly clear. The basic problem faced by our protagonists is simple: there is a supernatural evil on the loose, something vampiric, something related to the historical figure of Vlad Ţepeş. Beyond that they, initially, know virtually nothing. The clues must be pieced together.
Kostova's mother was a librarian and her father an academic. Clearly she has a historian's heart. Much of the novel is spent in archives, digging up shreds of evidence, then trying to make sense of what they mean. Kostova understands and - at least by this historian's judgement - manages to convey the small triumphs and defeats of sifting through convoluted scholarship, incomplete copies of old documents, and frustratingly elusive bibliographies. Her protagonists' efforts to find the truth and use it for the good of humanity, while never overwrought, may be seen as an ideal to which every historian, in some small measure, aspires.
I doubt Kostova was inspired by Dan Brown's The Da Vinci Code (2003) - though certainly literary agents hoped her debut novel would have similar success - but whether intended or not, I see The Historian as a kind of answer to Brown. It is everything he attempted to be: a historical/scholarly detective novel weaving together foreign cultures, ancient secrets, and a hint of spirituality. But Kostova's work may also be read as a rebuke of all that is wrong with The Da Vinci Code.
To read The Da Vinci Code is to feel like a crack addict, constantly turning pages because one cliff hanger follows upon another. It is tactically adept at setting up such suspense, but the strategic effect is less satisfying. There is no strong undercurrent to The Da Vinci Code, no constant tug beyond the immediate. If Brown's work could be described as a page-turner, Kostova's is a chapter-turner. That it sustains interest over 642 pages is a testament to the careful pacing.
I found Kostova's exposition likewise adept. In The Da Vinci Code, the history and significance of buildings or works of art are typically explained in dialogue that, at best, sounds like a lecture from art history class, at worst a badly written encyclopedia entry. These are made all the more gouache by the fact that any semi-educated person will have a passing knowledge of who people such as Leonardo Da Vinci are. Why Brown's characters stand in need of explanations is often unclear. In contrast, the historical background of The Historian is mostly the medieval Balkans, caught between Christendom and Islam. It is a region and period with which many Americans - even educated ones such as Kostova's characters - have little knowledge. Moreover, Kostova neatly integrates much of her exposition into excerpts of articles or other materials which are more plausible than wooden conversations.
Finally, Brown's work is riddled with historical errors; I recall googling particularly interesting names or locations as I read it, only to discover that Brown had manipulated key details. In contrast, Kostova nails the historical and geographic context in which her story takes place, while inventing all of the major characters - with the exception of Vlad Ţepeş - out of whole cloth, lest there be any confusion of fact and fiction.
Throughout the novel, Kostova displays restraint. The pacing is strong, but not rushed. The secrets are alluring, but not over the top. There is violence, but it is rare and often occurs "off stage," described in selective detail. Although there are romantic interests between several of Kostova's characters, their intimacies are neither superabundant nor described in lurid detail. Kostova does not rely on cheap tricks.
The Historian is not flawless. The climax and ending, for example, though good, lack the brilliance of other sections of the novel. Nevertheless, this is one of the finest works of fiction I have read in a long time and I strongly recommend it.
Friday, February 14, 2014
Happy Feast of Sts. Cyril & Methodius!
"We have many saints' days in the church calendar, but this one is dear to all those who teach and learn, because it is when we honor the Slavonic heritage of alphabet and literature, and the teaching and learning of many centuries that have grown from Kiril and Methodii and their great invention."
~Anton Stoichev, in Elizabeth Kostova's The Historian, pp. 465-66.
Cyril (b. 826/7, d. 14 Feb. 869) and his brother Methodius (b. 815, d. 6 April 885) were monks, missionaries, and inventors of the Cyrillic alphabet, used to bring the Gospel to the Slavic nations. Cyril, fluent in Hebrew and Arabic, as well as his native Greek, undertook missions to the Turkish empire and the Khazar Khaganate on the Black Sea, and taught philosophy. Methodius, an abbot, traveled with his brother to Moravia, at the invitation of the local king, where they set about translating the Scriptures and developing a new vernacular liturgy for the Slavs. Though political schemers tried to use the brothers to support the Greek Patriarch of Constantinople against the Bishop of Rome, they were affirmed in their work by several popes, one of whom appointed Methodius archbishop of the new territory.
Cyril and Methodius are commemorated on 14 February in the West and 11 May in the East (or, where the old style Julian calendar is still used, 24 May, by the new Gregorian reckoning).
The brothers are recognized by the Catholic Church as two of Europe's six patron saints, along with Benedict of Nursia (d. 543), Bridget of Sweden (d. 1373), Catherine of Sienna (d. 1380) and Teresa Benedicta of the Cross (d. 1942).
Today is a particularly good day to pray for Christian unity, not only because Cyril and Methodius worked with both Eastern and Western Christians, but also because the present Patriarch of Moscow and All Rus, Kirill I, takes his name from one of these great evangelists.
Today's image comes from For All the Saints.
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